U.S. Vice President J.D. Vance and U.S. Secretary of Health and Human Services Robert F. Kennedy Jr. gesture on stage during the first Make America Healthy Again (MAHA) Summit in Washington, DC, USA on November 12, 2025.
Nathan Howard | Reuters
The Supreme Court case and the bill moving through Congress this week will test the unity of the Republican Party and the “Make America Healthy Again” movement after a near collapse in February over the herbicide glyphosate.
The court is scheduled to hear a case Monday to determine whether federal law preempts state-level lawsuits alleging that the chemical glyphosate in Bayer’s Roundup herbicide causes cancer. And this week, the U.S. House of Representatives is scheduled to consider the Farm Bill, a major agricultural policy measure that includes new protections for the chemical.
The MAHA movement, a coalition of activists promoting healthy foods and avoiding chemicals, helped bring President Donald Trump back to the White House after their favored presidential candidate, current Health and Human Services Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr., withdrew from the race and endorsed the president. This group dislikes glyphosate, the most commonly used herbicide in the United States and essential to many farm operations.
The Supreme Court argument and the farm bill put MAHA in direct conflict with Trump and the Republican majority in Congress. This occurred just months after the previous explosion, in which President Trump signed an executive order to increase domestic production of glyphosate, prompting President Kennedy to intervene and do damage control. And with less than seven months until the 2026 midterm elections and President Trump’s approval rating declining in public opinion polls, keeping the coalition intact could be crucial for Republicans as they fight to maintain their slim majorities in both houses of Congress.
“The last few months have been really, really tough because we’ve had attacks from the executive branch, the judiciary, and even Congress,” said Kelly Ryerson, a MAHA supporter who goes by the nickname “Glyphosate Girl.”
“The combination of the executive order and Bayer taking the stand at the Supreme Court is truly inexcusable,” Ryerson said. “And I think it shows that there is a deep disconnect between what the administration thinks MAHA cares about and the actual truth.”
Kelly Ryerson (known as “Glyphosate Girl” by her supporters) poses for a portrait in Miami on Thursday, January 22, 2026.
Marta Lavandier | AP
So far, the White House appears to be firmly committed to the glyphosate court.
The Environmental Protection Agency, which regulates pesticides and herbicides, does not classify glyphosate as a carcinogen and does not require glyphosate labels to disclose cancer risks. But a number of individuals have said they got cancer from using Roundup and are suing Bayer and Monsanto, which made glyphosate before Bayer acquired the company in 2018, for failing to warn consumers of the risks. In 2018, Kennedy won about $290 million against a man in one such case.
The administration plans to argue on Bayer’s behalf before the Supreme Court, saying in court filings that the federal Insecticide, Fungicide, and Rodenticide Act preempts the “failure to warn” claims plaguing Bayer. Without this preemptive action, manufacturers would be subject to a patchwork of 50 different labeling requirements in each state, according to the brief.
“(I)f labeling tells users that in Missouri a pesticide likely causes cancer, in Illinois it may cause cancer, in Tennessee it definitely causes cancer, but in Iowa it’s anyone’s guess, leaving users unsure who to believe,” the U.S. attorney general’s office said in a court brief on the case. “We’re getting lost in the noise. EPA has made thoughtful judgments about what kind of warnings we actually need to protect public health, and we want uniformity.”
Meanwhile, the Farm Bill includes a provision that MAHA supporters say is a “liability shield” to protect pesticide manufacturers. The bill would prohibit states or courts from penalizing or imposing liability on “entities that fail to comply with requirements requiring labeling or packaging in addition to or different from those approved by the Administrator of the Environmental Protection Agency.”
House Agriculture Committee Chairman GT Thompson (R-Pennsylvania), who is leading the farm bill, said MAHA supporters are outraged by the language and “are emotionally driven and need to take the time to read the bill.” Thompson also argued that the bill retains the ability for states to change labels if they pass the EPA first.
“This bill is really about labeling and making sure that labeling is done in a way that is based on the highest level of science,” he said. “If a state wants to put in place additional labeling requirements, they just have to go through the EPA and that will happen and it will be on the label.”
Fertilizer is applied to a field in China Grove, North Carolina, on April 10, 2026.
Grant Baldwin | AFP | Getty Images
Asked to respond to Thompson, Ryerson said, “It’s very offensive for someone to come out and call us emotional when all we’re trying to do is get people healthy,” and argued that Thompson’s bill does include a liability shield.
“I would like to disagree as well. If he wants to have a one-on-one discussion about what this bill actually says, I totally win because he’s lying. This is a pesticide liability shield,” she said.
Republican support for glyphosate gives Democrats an opportunity to try to persuade MAHA in their own way.
“The White House’s position is that, we’re going to take it to the Supreme Court, we’re going to pass the farm bill. And I think that continues to cause some rifts there that you can’t really surface,” said Rep. Cherry Pingree of Maine, a Democratic ally of some MAHA causes.
“There are a lot of people who are very excited about the idea of MAHA who have never been involved in politics before, so they’re not as enthusiastic about voting Republican and it’s about who supports these issues,” Pingree said.
U.S. Rep. Chellie Pingree (D-Maine) speaks at a press conference sponsored by the Climate Action Campaign in front of the U.S. Capitol in Washington, D.C., on April 9, 2025.
Brian Dozier AFP | Getty Images
Ryerson agreed, saying that regardless of party affiliation, MAHA “is looking for a champion, a champion. That was Kennedy, and that is what Kennedy is now.” He warned that simmering discontent could cause MAHA to forego this election.
“The concern for both parties is that people are likely to become dissatisfied with the MAHA movement and simply not vote, rather than vote Democratic,” she said.
Mr. Pingree will attend pre-argument meetings with Mr. Ryerson to advocate for the court to uphold the right to sue. Rep. Thomas Massey (R-Ky.), who is helping Pingree lead an amendment to remove pesticide provisions from the farm bill, will also be in attendance.
The White House also appears to be aware of the risks. They invited a group of MAHA supporters to a meeting with government officials earlier this month to tout their efforts on supporters’ issues.
Ryerson, who attended the rally, said it was productive and allowed supporters to air their grievances with administration officials. But she cautioned that it may not be enough to keep MAHA in the MAGA fold.
“I felt like the administration was taking these concerns seriously,” Ryerson said. “If the Supreme Court rules in Bayer’s favor, it will be this administration’s fault, because this case should never have gone to the Supreme Court.”
