When Iranian officials convened in Tehran this month to discuss the country’s water crisis, President Massoud Pezeshkian asked them to take off their blazers instead of turning on the air conditioners to combat the sweltering heat.
Wearing a short-sleeved polo shirt, his gesture symbolized efforts to conserve energy during the war, but it quickly sparked controversy. Hardline politicians criticized the president’s unconventional clothing choices, while activists accused him of double standards under Iran’s strict dress code, which prohibits ordinary people from dressing down.
The next day, the London-based opposition news outlet Iran International reported that he had submitted his resignation. The news prompted the president’s team to begin crisis management, but officials on social media dismissed the report as “wishful thinking.” This was the latest of several false reports that Mr. Pezeshikian had tendered his resignation.
These episodes provide a snapshot of the cascading crises that defined Pezeshikian’s tenure. Initially seen as a replacement after his predecessor died in a helicopter crash in 2024, the president has emerged as an unlikely survivor during one of the most turbulent periods in the Islamic Republic’s history, maintaining some popular support despite wartime pressures and attacks from both hardliners and rebels.
But the question is whether Mr. Pezeshkian will be able to continue pushing for a moderate agenda while tackling Iran’s myriad challenges after the fighting ends, as conservative forces within the country seek to consolidate power following the killing of Supreme Leader Ayatollah Khamenei at the outbreak of the U.S.-Israel war.
Mr. Pezeshkian’s domestic challenges may soon increase, with the possibility of an interim cease-fire agreement with the United States increasing. US President Donald Trump said Thursday that the United States has “ended the war with Iran,” adding that Iranian officials had not yet formally signed any deal but had agreed to a “very strong memorandum of understanding.”
Ali Ahmadi, a researcher at the Geneva Center for Security Policy and the Swiss Middle East Institute, said: “Pezeshkian will be dealing with a number of post-war issues, but having served as president during wartime, he is likely to emerge from this situation with more credibility within Iran’s political system.”
The president has seen Israeli assassinations of his colleagues and bosses, faced accusations from ultra-conservative hardline politicians of subservience to Iran’s archenemy the United States, and even oversaw a massive crackdown on protests. But despite persistent rumors that his resignation is imminent, he continues to run the government, albeit within the reduced boundaries imposed on him by a regime enduring an existential war.
Mohammad Ali Shabani, editor-in-chief of the London-based news organization Amwaj Media, told CNN that “the war and the domestic political dynamics it has created have further downgraded his status, at least formally, as the Islamic Republic’s second-highest official,” adding that “Mr. Pezeshkian is now increasingly accustomed to a role primarily as a manager of internal affairs.”
“Whether the presidency as an institution will remain constrained compared to its predecessor remains an open question,” he said.
Pezeshkian’s presidential brand is characterized by blunt humility, repeated apologies, and folksy friendliness. He was nominated to run for president in a carefully vetted election following the death of his predecessor, Ebrahim Raisi. Experts say voters chose a relatively low-profile figure primarily to thwart his opponent, hard-line extremist candidate Saeed Jalili.
Over the past two years, Iran’s presidency has become little more than an enforcer of edicts imposed from above, with a supreme leader dictating major decisions and cunning politicians seeking power.
However, Mr. Pezeshkian has quietly survived and even increased his profile by demonstrating compliance in his limited role and fulfilling his campaign promises despite the ongoing conflict.
For some Iranians, the 71-year-old is a breath of fresh air for a nation ruled with an iron fist, offering a moderate voice in a crowded field of hardliners and proving sufficient in the face of the looming crisis.
“At least his tone and outlook seem to be more moderate than others,” said a mother of two in Tehran, speaking on condition of anonymity. “Young people are no longer just looking for financial commitments. Social freedom, an open internet and a calm atmosphere are also important to them,” she told CNN, adding, “We can only judge one thing… the real consequences in people’s daily lives.”
The former surgeon and lawmaker is seen as less aggressive than his predecessor, but he has become the only moderate candidate vying for the country’s top election seat, while dozens of others have been barred from running, perhaps intentionally.
Currently, he technically holds the second most powerful position in Iran’s leadership. In fact, after Khamenei was killed in an Israeli airstrike on February 28, his office’s role has become less important as the Revolutionary Guards, which observers say function as a deep state force, have become more prominent.
“From the beginning of his term, Pezeshkian, a former lawmaker who became president almost by accident, has aimed to outwit the hardline opposition with excessive loyalty to the supreme leader,” Shabani said. “While this had the advantage of allowing his cabinet to be quickly approved by Congress, it also hollowed out the powers of the president under his supervision.”
Despite his apologetic and mild-mannered personality, Mr. Pezeshkian has presided over the regime’s worst crackdown on protesters, Iran’s worst drought in decades, Tehran’s deadly air pollution that kills thousands of people each year, and a currency devaluation to the point where authorities have taken steps to remove zeros from the rial to ease fiscal calculations.
Nevertheless, Mr. Pezeshkian has sought to defend his presidency. Over the weekend, he slammed state broadcaster IRIB for portraying the government’s performance in a negative light and increasing public anxiety.
“If state television or certain media members direct unwarranted criticism at the government during wartime, we are forced to respond appropriately. It is not in the best interest of the country,” he wrote on X on Sunday, drawing widespread criticism from conservative Iranians.
When the United States and Israel went to war in late February, the regime veteran effectively took control of major state decisions, in a move that further limited Mr. Pezeshkian’s role to the executive branch. Some of the conflicts he was involved in proved the limits of his powers.
“The authority, influence and institutional importance of the presidency has declined significantly since the (former President Hassan Rouhani) era,” Hamidreza Azizi, a visiting researcher at the German Institute for International Security Affairs, told CNN. “Today, both the president as an individual and the government as an institution are primarily limited to implementing decisions taken elsewhere, especially within the Supreme Council of National Security.”
But despite the severe limitations on Mr. Pezeshikian’s political maneuverability, the growing Iranian crisis has elevated his status, especially since the beginning of the U.S.-Israel war.
As hardliners push for a continuation of the war, Mr. Pezeshkian is likely to take a more moderate stance, infuriating hardliners.
“I wouldn’t be surprised if Mr. Pezeshkian becomes more likely to advocate for more patient diplomacy and flexibility,” Mr. Ahmadi said.
Since his election, he has clashed with conservatives in his administration over policy issues. Early in the war, Mr. Pezeshkian publicly apologized for attacks on neighboring countries, drawing even harsher criticism from hardliners.
Nevertheless, despite Washington’s naval blockade against Iran, it continues to ensure the government has an adequate supply of basic, albeit expensive, supplies, and even presses forward to assert some authority over key campaign promises, giving the issue further support.
Mr. Pezeshkian reluctantly presided over the longest internet blackout in the nation’s history, but won public support by speaking out against the restrictions and lifting them last month as hard-liners tried to block the move with a court order.
During the war, he became more visible on the streets of Tehran, roaming freely among people without guards and caring for patients in hospitals, according to videos shared online.
Notably, some conservatives came to his defense.
“Throughout the life of the Islamic Republic, even an influential president has never been in a situation like[Pezeshkian],” conservative commentator Abbas Salimi Namin told Iran’s reformist news outlet Roidad 24.
Still, while Mr. Pezeshikian has demonstrated the ability to act effectively within a confined space, his willingness to cede the most important strategic decisions to Iran’s security establishment has led the Pezeshikian government to conveniently comply and left many Iranians disillusioned with his presidency.
“Are you really asking me if I have an opinion about this guy?” an Iranian man who lost his job in the internet shutdown told CNN. “The problems in this country go far beyond any one person or any one government.”
“They are rooted in the system itself.”
