American officials called this “bivi sitting.” This is a revolving door of the most senior members of the Trump administration trying to ensure that Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, better known as “Bibi,” abides by the U.S.-brokered ceasefire agreement.
This is a reversal of the narrative from a decade-old campaign ad in which Netanyahu was a “baby sitter” who watched couples’ children on date nights.
The United States is now taking on that role, sending special envoys, ministers, and even the president to ensure implementation of the nascent Gaza ceasefire agreement.
In other words, the “bibisitter” became a babysitter.
In the space of just two weeks, an unprecedented parade of US officials delivered a diplomatic blitz on Israel.
US President Donald Trump launched a charm offensive last week by visiting Israel to oversee the conclusion of the Gaza ceasefire agreement. And on Tuesday, Vice President J.D. Vance landed at Ben Gurion Airport to oversee implementation of the agreement. Secretary of State Marco Rubio is also expected to arrive Thursday. Meanwhile, President Trump’s son-in-law Jared Kushner and special envoy Steve Witkoff have conducted multiple missions to Israel, shaping and solidifying the agreement into diplomatic reality.
A high-level US visit during a crisis is not unprecedented: days later on October 7, 2023, President Joe Biden rushed to Tel Aviv in a strong solidarity visit, warning against engaging with Israel’s enemies, and Secretary of State Antony Blinken followed suit multiple times. But those visits were more about unity and deterrence. President Trump emphasizes management and compliance. The United States is not just mediating the Gaza ceasefire, it is actively managing it.
“We will continue to be engaged every day to make sure peace takes root,” Vance said at a news conference Tuesday, announcing a new U.S. coordination center that will monitor and evaluate progress on the Gaza ceasefire agreement in real time.
“The event is being run by an outside party, the Americans, and this is a very problematic issue,” Lieutenant General Gadi Eisenkot, former Israel Defense Forces (IDF) chief of staff, told Israel’s KAN radio on Tuesday. “As the deal moves forward, more international forces will come in, which will limit the Israel Defense Forces.”
The US government’s micromanagement of the agreement’s implementation underscores its determination to make the ceasefire a success. The Trump administration is spending an incredible amount of political capital to keep the ceasefire alive in its first few weeks.
But it also reflects concerns about the intentions of Netanyahu’s political partners. His far-right allies oppose an end to the war and call for full occupation of Gaza. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu was able to pass the first phase of the agreement, which includes the return of hostages in the Gaza Strip in exchange for the release of Palestinian prisoners and detainees.
The second stage is much more difficult. It is to define post-war governance and security forces in Gaza and establish what role the Palestinian Authority, Arab states and other international stakeholders will play.
The fragility of the ceasefire agreement was exposed after a military clash in Rafah earlier this week that left two Israeli soldiers dead. Jerusalem quickly declared this a violation of the ceasefire. Far-right finance minister Bezalel Smotrich tweeted one word: “war.” Israel carried out attacks across Gaza, killing more than 40 Palestinians.
On Sunday afternoon, Prime Minister Netanyahu announced the suspension of humanitarian aid to Gaza. But it reversed course two hours later after pressure from the United States, according to an Israeli source familiar with the matter. Three days later, Vance said “skirmishes are inevitable” but that the ceasefire would continue.
The postwar phase is also a period of recalibration of regional roles. Despite Israel’s deep skepticism, Turkey and Qatar are central to the US framework for reconstruction and mediation in the Gaza Strip. Speaking in Jerusalem, Mr. Vance praised the “constructive” influence of Ankara and Doha, but said harshly that “the presence of troops on the ground in Israel or Gaza is authorized by the Israelis.”
“The rules of the game are being written as we speak, but it’s already clear that the United States is in the lead and Israel is playing by those rules,” Amos Harel, a senior military analyst at Haaretz, told CNN. “Prime Minister Netanyahu will never admit it, but Israel has mortgaged part of its independence and American generals are in control.”
The Israeli military is accustomed to incredibly close cooperation with the United States, which has been on full display repeatedly during the war. But Harrell says it’s not just collaboration, it’s stewardship. “Israeli military leadership doesn’t necessarily like having another authority hovering over their head,” he told CNN. But the military, whose chief of staff pushed for early acceptance of a ceasefire, understands that is the only way to end the war.
“The U.S. circuit, even if it’s full of potholes, is the way to get there,” he said.
This dynamic is reflected in the Trump administration’s repeated interference in Israel’s strategic decisions over the past few months. In June, President Trump ordered the Israeli Air Force to retrieve fighter jets destined for attacks on Iranian targets. In September, it forced Qatar to apologize after a failed attack targeting Hamas leaders in Doha. Days later, he publicly instructed Israel to halt air operations in Gaza.
For some Israeli observers and politicians, the scale of U.S. involvement could entrench the perception that Israel is dependent on U.S. authorization and erode Israel’s sovereignty and freedom to use force. “Prime Minister Netanyahu single-handedly turned our country into a protectorate and accepted his security orders,” opposition leader Yair Lapid accused Monday.
Prime Minister Netanyahu rejected the criticism. Standing alongside Mr. Vance in Jerusalem on Wednesday, he called the idea that Israel is a client state of the United States “arrogant.”
“One week you say Israel controls the United States, and a week later you say the United States controls Israel,” he said sarcastically. Vance echoed his position, saying, “We don’t want a vassal state, and that’s not the state of Israel. We don’t want a vassal state, and that’s not the state of Israel. We want a partnership, and we want allies here.”
Both Trump and Netanyahu have repeatedly declared that they intend to move the Middle East beyond conflict management to re-extend the Abraham Accords. That’s the carrot Trump has dangled in front of Prime Minister Netanyahu, and the White House is doing everything in its power to make it happen.
However, Israel’s main political barriers remain. It is how to reconcile Prime Minister Netanyahu’s hardline coalition with demands for a viable path to Palestinian statehood. Here, American babysitting may work in Netanyahu’s favor. President Trump’s pressure could give Netanyahu a cover for domestic politics and an excuse for concessions that the coalition would never accept.
